Chapter 13 — Annals of Mewar

Rana Jai Singh took possession of the gadi in 1681. A circumstance occurred at his birth which is worthy of narration, as illustrating the importance in the eyes of the Rajput of his national customs and rites. A few hours after the appearance of Jai Singh, the Rana's other, and favourite, wife also gave birth to a son called Bhim. It is customary for the father to bind round the arm of a new-born infant a root of that species of grass called amirdhob, the " imperishable," and well known for its nutritive properties and luxuriant vegetation under the most intense heat. The Rana first attached the ligature round the arm of the younger, apparently by an oversight, though, in fact, from superior affection for his mother. As the boys approached to manhood, the Rana, apprehensive that this preference might create dissension, one day drew his sword, and, placing it in the hand of Bhim, the elder, said, it was better to use it at once on his brother, than thereafter to endanger the safety of the state. This appeal to his generosity had an instantaneous effect, and he not only took an oath " by his father's throne" never to dispute the sovereign rights of his brother, but declared, to remove all fears, " he was not his son if he again drank water within the pass of Dobari " ; and, collecting his retainers, he abandoned Udaipiir to court fortune where she might be kinder. He proceeded to the court of Bahadur Shah, who conferred upon him the dignity of a leader of 3,500 horse, with the revenues of 52 districts for their support ; but quarrelling with the imperial general, he was despatched with his contingent west of the Indus, where he died. Jai Singh concluded a treaty with Aurangzeb, conducted within the boundaries of Mewar by the princes Azi'm and Delhir Khan, who took every occasion to testify their gratitude for the clemency the royal forces had met with in the recent campaign. On this occasion, the Rana was attended by 10,000 horse and 40,000 foot, besides the multitudes collected from the mountains to view the ceremony, above 100,000 souls, who set up a shout of joy at the prospect of once more returning in safety to their homes in the plains. That the treaty was advantageous to the Rana we may infer from the fact that the sons of Delhir were left behind as hostages for the good faith of the Mogul. On bidding the Rana farewell, Delhir remarked: " Your nobles are rude, and my children are hostages for your safety ; but if at the expense of their lives I can regain possession of your country, you may keep your mind at ease, for there was friendship between my father and yours." But all other protection than what his sword afforded was futile ; and though Delhir's intentions were noble, he had little control over events. In less than five years after his accession, the Rana was again forced " to fly the plains" for the inaccessible haunts of his native fastnesses. Yet, in spite of these untoward circumstances and uninterrupted warfare, such were the resources of his little state that he was able to undertake and complete a work which still perpetuates his name. He drew a dam across a break in the mountains, the channel of an everflowing stream, by which he formed one of the largest lakes in India, giving it his own name, the Jaisamand, or "sea of victory." Nature had furnished the hint for this undertaking, for there had always existed a considerable volume of water ; but the Rana had the merit of uniting the natural buttresses and converting the Dhibur Pul into a little inland sea. The circumference cannot be less than 30 miles, and the benefits to cultivation, and especially to the growing of rice, which requires constant irrigation, were great. On this huge rampart he erected a palace for his favourite queen, Comala Devi, familiarly known as the Ruta Rani, or "testy queen." Domestic unhappiness appears to have generated in the Rana inaptitude for state affairs ; and, unluckily, the favoured queen estranged him from his son. The latter was called Amra, a name highly venerated in Mewar. His mother was of the Biindi house, whose representatives had, in times past, performed great services for, and brought great calamities upon, the Sesodia princes. To the jealousies of the rival queens, one of them mother to the heir, and the other the favourite of the sovereign, are attributed dissensions which at such a. juncture were a greater misfortune than the loss of a battle, and which afford another illustration, if any were wanting, of the impolicy of polygamy. Rana Jai Singh, who had evinced such gallantry in the wars of Aurangzeb, secluded himself with Comala in the retreat, Jaisamand, leaving Amra, under the guidance of the minister, at the capital. But the latter, having personally insulted this chief officer of the state, in consequence of receiving a rebuke for turning loose an infuriated elephant in the city, the Rana left his retreat and came to Udaipur. Amra did not await his father's arrival, but fled to Biindi and took up arms, and, joined by many of his own nobles and Hara auxiliaries, returned at the head of 10,000 men. The Rana, desirous of averting civil war, retired to Godwar beyond the Aravalli, whence he sent the Ganora chief to expostulate with his son. Amra made for Komulmir, with a view to securing the state treasure ; but, failing in this attempt, and seeing the determination of the chiefs who were faithful to the Rana, he made terms with the ambassador. The compact was ratified at the shrine of Eklinga, and, in obedience to its conditions, Amra remained an exile from Mewar until the conclusion of his father's life. Jai Singh died twenty years after his accession. Had he maintained the reputation of his early years, he might have redeemed his country's independence, for the times were well suited to such an endeavour. But documents yet exist which prove that, in his later life, a state of indolence, having all the effects of imbecility, supervened, and, but for the formation of the Jaisamand lake, his reign would have remained a blank in the annals of the state. Amra II. who succeeded in 1700 had much of the gallantry and active turn of mind of his illustrious namesake ; but the degrading conflict with his father had much impaired the moral strength of the country, and counteracted the advantages which might have resulted from the decline of the Mogul power. The reigns of Raj Singh and Jai Singh illustrate the obvious truth, that on the personal character of the chief of a feudal government everything depends. The former, infusing by his talents and energy patriotic sentiments into all his subordinates, vanquished in a series of conflicts the vast military resources of the empire, led by the emperor, his sons, and chosen generals ; while his successor, heir to this moral strength, and with every collateral aid, lowered her to a stage of contempt from which no talent could subsequently raise her. Amra early availed himself of the contentions amongst the sons of Aurangzeb, and formed a secret treaty with the Mogul heir -apparent, Shah Alam, whilst that prince was commanding in the countries west of the Indus. The events of this period are of special importance, for they not only involved the overthrow of the Mogul empire, but originated that state of society which paved the way for the dominion of Great Britain. When Aurangzeb despised and trampled upon the traditions and sentiments of the Rajputs, he endangered the key-stone of his power, and before his death the enormous fabric reared by Akbar was tottering to its very foundations ; demonstrating to conviction, that the highest order of talent, whether for government or war, though aided by unlimited resources, will not suffice for the maintenance of power, unsupported by the affections of the governed. When Aurangzeb became emperor, he could, had he chosen to do so, have gained the whole-hearted support of his Hindu subjects. But the most devoted attachment and the most faithful service were repaid by insult to their habits, and the imposition of an obnoxious tax; and to the jeziya and the unwise pertinacity with which his successors enforced it, must be directly ascribed the overthrow of the monarchy. No condition was exempted from this odious and impolitic assessment, which was deemed by the tyrant a mild substitute for the conversion he once meditated of the entire Hindu race to the creed of Islam. An abandonment of faith was the surest road to the tyrant's favour, and it was an example of this dereliction which powerfully contributed to the annihilation of the empire. Rao Gopal, a kinsman of the Rana, held the fief of Rampura, on the Chambal, and was serving with a select quota of his clan in the wars of the Dekhan, when his son, who had been left at home, withheld the revenues, which he applied to his own use instead of remitting them to his father. Rao Gopal complained to the emperor ; but the son discovered that he could, by a sacrifice, not only appease Aurangzeb, but attain the object of his wishes. He apostatised from his faith, and won the emperor's forgiveness, and with it the domain of Rampura. Rao Gopal fled the royal camp in disgust, made an unsuccessful attempt to regain his estate, and then took refuge with Rana Amra. The asylum granted to a chief of his own kin was construed by the emperor into a signal for revolt, and Azim was ordered to Malwa to watch the Rana's movements. The Rana took up arms, and Malwa joined the tumult, while, at the same time, there took place the first irruption of the Mahrattas across the Narbadda. Amidst these accumulated troubles, his Rajput feudatories disgusted and alienated, his sons and grandsons already quarrelling over the succession, and the Mahrattas rising into dangerous prominence, did Aurangzeb, after a reign of terror of half a century's duration, breathe his last. He had reached the age of ninety years, and his death took place at the city bearing his name, Aurangabad, in 1707. At his death, his second son Azi'm assumed the imperial dignity, and, aided by the Rajput princes of Dattia and Kotah, who had always served in his division, marched to Agra to contest the legitimate claims of his brother Shah Alam who was advancing from Cabul, supported by the contingents of Mewar and Marwar, and all western Rajasthan. The battle of Jajao which followed was fatal to Azi'm, who, with his son Bedarbakt, and the princes of Dattia and Kotah, was slain, and his brother ascended the throne under the title of Shah Alam Bahadur Shah. This prince had many qualities which might have endeared him to the Rajputs. Had he immediately succeeded the beneficent Shah Jahan, the race of Timiir, in all human probability, would still have been enthroned at Delhi. But Aurangzeb had inflicted an incurable wound on the Hindu race, which for ever estranged them from his successors ; nor were the virtues of Bahadur, during the short lustre of his sway, capable of healing it. Bahadur Shah was soon made to perceive the little support he had in future to expect from the Rajputs. Whilst he was engaged in quashing the pretensions of his youngest brother, Kambaksh, who had proclaimed himself emperor in the Dekhan, and in subduing a rising of the Sikhs in the north, a triple league was formed against him by the Rana of Mewar, Aji't Singh of Marwar, and the prince of Ambar. This treaty of unity of interests against the common foe was confirmed by nuptial alliances, such as had not taken place since the days of Partap. In fact, to be readmitted to this honour with the Sesodias was one of the main considerations which led the princes of Marwar and Ambar to join the league. The parties renounced on oath all connection, domestic or political, with the imperial court. It was also stipulated that the sons of marriages sanctioned under the new treaty should be regarded as heirs, and that daughters should never be dishonoured by being betrothed to Moguls. As will be seen later, this stipulation originated many difficulties, for it compromised the right of primogeniture ; and the umpire who was called upon to settle the disputes which ensued therefrom, proved more baneful than the power from whose iron grasp they were endeavouring to free themselves. The treaty laid prostrate the throne of Babar, but it ultimately introduced the Mahrattas as partisans in their family disputes, who, in all such cases, made the bone of contention their own. The injudicious support afforded by the emperor to the apostate chief of Rampiira first brought the triple federation into action. The Rana, upholding the cause of Gopal Rao, made an attack on Rampura, which the usurper, now Raja Muslim Khan, succeeded in repelling, and was rewarded by the emperor. At the same time, information was conveyed to the Mogul court that "the Rana had determined to lay waste his territory, and retire to the hills " — a report which was speedily confirmed by the unwelcome news that Firoz Khan, the governor of Pur Mandal, had been attacked by the Rana's troops, and driven back, with great loss, to Ajmir. But ere Bahadur Shah couid take measures to check these disorders, his career was cut short by poison. Had his life been spared, his talents, experience, and courteous manners might have retarded the downfall of his empire, which the utter unworthiness of his successor sunk beyond the power of man to redeem. Every subsequent succession was through blood. Two brothers, Syads from the town of Bareh in the Doab, became all powerful at the Mogul court, setting up and plucking down its puppet kings at their pleasure. They had elevated Farrukhsiyar when the triumvirs of Rajasthan commenced their operations. Giving loose to their long suppressed resentment, the Rajputs abandoned altogether the spirit of toleration. They overthrew the mosques built on the sites of their altars, and treated the civil and religious officers of the government with indignity. Of these every town in Rajasthan had two, its mullah to proclaim the name of Muhammad, and its kdzi for the administration of justice — a branch of administration entirely wrested from the hands of the native princes. The wSyads made every effort to oppose the threatening measures of the Rajputs, and at last succeeded in detaching Ajit Singh of Marwar from the league. Tempted by the offer of a powerful position at the Mogul court, he agreed to pay tribute, and gave a daughter in marriage to Farrukhsiyar. This marriage considerably weakened the opposition of the Rajputs, but it had another, and a more far-reaching result ; for to it may, in a large measure, be ascribed the rise of British power in India, Farrukhsiyar was, at this time, suffering from a dangerous malady necessitating an operation which none of the royal physicians was able to perform ; and the nuptial celebrations had, in Consequence, to be postponed. A mission from the British merchants at Surat was then at the court, and, as a last resource, the surgeon attached to it was called in. He cured the malady, and the emperor, made happy in his bride, displayed his gratitude with oriental magnificence. He desired Mr Hamilton to name his reward, and to the disinterested patriotism of this individual did the British owe the first royal grant, or firman, conferring territorial possession and great commercial privileges. The weak Farrukhsiyar, desirous of snapping the leading-strings of the Syads, recalled to his court Inayat Ulla Khan, the minister of Aurangzeb, and restored him to his office. Inayat Ulla, to use the words of the historian of the period, " did not consult the temper of the times, so very different from the reign of Aurangzeb, and the revival of the jezia came with him." Though by no means severe in its operation, not amounting to three-quarters per cent, on annual income, from which the lame, the blind, and the very poor were exempt, it nevertheless raised a spirit of general hostility, particularly from its retaining the insulting distinction of a "tax on infidels." But if its incidence was less severe than formerly, the mode and channel of its introduction evinced to the Rajput no hope that the intolerant spirit which originally suggested it would ever be subdued. Rana Amra was not an idle spectator of these occurrences ; and although the spurious thirst for distinction so early broke up the alliance by detaching Aji't from it, he redoubled his efforts for personal independence, and with it that of the Rajput nation. An important document attests his solicitude, namely, a treaty with the emperor, which shows the altered relations which at this time existed between the parties. It consisted of the following eight clauses: — Memorandum of Requests. 1 st. The mansab of 7,000. 2nd. Firman of engagement under the punja private seal and sign that the jezia shall be abolished — that it shall no longer be imposed on the Hindu nation; at all events, that none of the Chagitai race shall authorise it in Mewar. Let it be annulled. 3rd. The contingent of one thousand horse for service in the Dekhan to be excused. 4th. All places of Hindu faith to be rebuilt, with perfect freedom of religious worship. 5th. If my uncles, brothers, or chiefs, repair to the presence, they are to meet no encouragement. 6th. The Bhomias of Deola, Banswara, Dongarpiir, and Sirohi, besides other zamindars over whom I am to have control, shall not be admitted to the presence. 7 th. The forces I possess are my chiefs — what troops you may require for a given period, you must furnish with rations (paiti), and when the service is over, their accounts will be settled. 8th. Of the Hakdars, Zamindars, Mansabdars, who serve you with zeal and from the heart, let me have a list — and those who are not obedient I will punish; but in effecting this no demand is to be made for paimali. The title of the treaty marks the subordination of the Rajput; but while it is headed a " Memorandum of Requests," the eighth article discloses the effectual means of the Rana, for there he assumes an air of protection towards the emperor. In the stipulation for the mansab of 7,000, the mind reverts to the great Amra, who preferred to abdicate rather than acknowledge a superior; but opinion had undergone a great change since the days of Jahangir. In temporal dignities other states had risen to an equality with Mewar, and all had learnt to look on the Mogul as the dispenser of honours. This treaty was the last act of Rana Amra's life. He died in 1716, leaving the reputation of an active and high-minded prince, who well upheld his station and the prosperity of his country, notwithstanding the anarchy of the period. His memory is held in high veneration; nor do the Rajputs admit the absolute degradation of Mewar till the period of the second prince in succession to Amra.

Chapter 13 — The Struggle Continued